阿尔伯特·施韦泽：和平问题

Albert Schweitzer – Nobel Lecture，1952年诺贝尔和平奖获奖演讲，1954年11月4日的演讲

The Problem of Peace 和平问题

For the subject of my lecture, a redoubtable honor imposed by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize, I have chosen the problem of peace as it is today. In so doing, I believe that I have acted in the spirit of the founder of this prize who devoted himself to the study of the problem as it existed in his own day and age, and who expected his Foundation to encourage consideration of ways to serve the cause of peace.

对于我演讲的主题，即诺贝尔和平奖授予我这份崇高的荣誉所带来的课题，我选择了当今的和平问题。在这样做时，我相信我遵循了这位奖项创立者的精神，他致力于研究他那个时代存在的和平问题，并期望他的基金会能够鼓励人们思考服务和平事业的方式。

I shall begin with an account of the situation at the end of the two wars through which we have recently passed.

我将从我们最近经历的两次战争结束时的状况开始谈起。

The statesmen who were responsible for shaping the world of today through the negotiations which followed each of these two wars found the cards stacked against them. Their aim was not so much to create situations which might give rise to widespread and prosperous development as it was to establish the results of victory on a permanent basis. Even if their judgment had been unerring, they could not have used it as a guide. They were obliged to regard themselves as the executors of the will of the conquering peoples. They could not aspire to establishing relations between peoples on a just and proper basis; all their efforts were taken up by the necessity of preventing the most unreasonable of the demands made by the victors from becoming reality; they had, moreover, to convince the conquering nations to compromise with each other whenever their respective views and interests conflicted.

在两次战争之后，负责塑造当今世界格局的政治家们发现他们面对的局势十分不利。他们的目标与其说是创造能够带来广泛而繁荣发展的局面，不如说是将胜利的成果建立在永久的基础之上。即使他们的判断无懈可击，也无法以此作为指导。他们不得不把自己视为征服民族意志的执行者。他们无法期望在公正和合理的基础上建立各国之间的关系；他们所有的努力都用于阻止胜利者提出的最不合理的要求成为现实；此外，他们还必须在各国观点和利益发生冲突时，说服征服国家相互妥协。

The true source of what is untenable in our present situation – and the victors are beginning to suffer from it as well as the vanquished – lies in the fact that not enough thought was given to the realities of historical fact and, consequently, to what is just and beneficial.

我们目前状况中不可持续的真正根源——胜利者和失败者都开始感受到这一点——在于对历史事实的现实考虑不够，因此也就未能对何为公正和有益的做法给予足够的重视。

The historical problem of Europe is conditioned by the fact that in past centuries, particularly in the so-called era of the great invasions, the peoples from the East penetrated farther and farther into the West and Southwest, taking possession of the land1. So it came about that the later immigrants intermingled with the earlier already established immigrants.

欧洲的历史问题是受这样一个事实制约的：在过去的几个世纪里，特别是所谓的“大入侵时代”，来自东方的民族不断向西和西南方向推进，占据了土地 1 。因此，后来的移民与早已定居的移民混杂在一起。

A partial fusion of these peoples took place during this time, and new relatively homogeneous political societies were formed within the new frontiers. In western and central Europe, this evolution led to a situation which may be said to have crystallized and become definitive in its main features in the course of the nineteenth century.

在这一时期，这些民族发生了一定程度的融合，并在新的边界内形成了相对统一的政治社会。在西欧和中欧，这种演变在 19 世纪过程中逐渐稳定并成为其主要特征。

In the East and Southeast, on the other hand, the evolution did not reach this stage; it stopped with the coexistence of nationalities which failed to merge. Each could lay some claim to rightful ownership of the land. One might claim territorial rights by virtue of longer possession or superiority of numbers, while another might point to its contribution in developing the land. The only practical solution would have been for the two groups to agree to live together in the same territory and in a single political society, in accordance with a compromise acceptable to both. It would have been necessary, however, for this state of affairs to have been reached before the second third of the nineteenth century. For, from then on, there was increasingly vigorous development of national consciousness which brought with it serious consequences. This development no longer allowed peoples to be guided by historical realities and by reason.

然而，在东欧和东南欧，这种演变并未达到这一阶段；它止步于无法融合的民族共存。每个民族都能对土地提出合理的所有权主张。一个民族可能以拥有土地时间更长或人口更多为理由主张领土权利，另一个民族可能以开发土地的贡献为理由提出主张。唯一可行的解决方案是这两个群体同意在同一个领土上、在同一个政治社会中生活，并根据双方都能接受的妥协达成一致。然而，这种状态必须在 19 世纪的前三分之二时期之前达成。因为从那时起，民族意识日益强烈地发展起来，带来了严重后果。这种发展不再允许人们以历史现实和理性来引导自己。

The First World War, then, had its origins in the conditions which prevailed in eastern and southeastern Europe. The new order created after both world wars bears in its turn the seeds of a future conflict.

因此，第一次世界大战的根源在于东欧和东南欧的状况。两次世界大战之后建立的新秩序，本身也孕育着未来冲突的种子。

Any new postwar structure is bound to contain the seeds of conflict unless it takes account of historical fact and is designed to provide a just and objective solution to problems in the light of that fact. Only such a solution can be really permanent.

任何新的战后结构必然包含冲突的种子，除非它考虑到历史事实，并且在这一事实的基础上设计出公正和客观的解决方案。只有这样的解决方案才能真正持久。

Historical reality is trampled underfoot if, when two peoples have rival historical claims to the same country, the claims of only one are recognized. The titles which two nations hold to disputed parts of Europe never have more than a relative value since the peoples of both are, in effect, immigrants.

如果两个民族对同一国家拥有对立的历史主张，却只承认其中一个主张，那么历史现实就会被践踏。两个国家对欧洲争议地区的主权宣称，从来都只具有相对价值，因为两国人民实际上都是移民。

Similarly, we are guilty of contempt for history if, in establishing a new order, we fail to take economic realities into consideration when fixing frontiers. Such is the case if we draw a boundary so as to deprive a port of its natural hinterland or raise a barrier between a region rich in raw materials and another particularly suited to exploiting them. By such measures do we create states which cannot survive economically.

同样地，我们在建立新秩序时，如果划定边界时不考虑经济现实，就对不起历史。如果我们划定边界，使得一个港口失去其自然腹地，或者在一个原料丰富的地区与另一个特别适合开发这些资源的地区之间筑起壁垒，就属于这种情况。通过这些措施，我们会创造出在经济上无法存续的国家。

The most flagrant violation of historical rights, and indeed of human rights, consists in depriving certain peoples of their right to the land on which they live, thus forcing them to move to other territories. At the end of the Second World War, the victorious powers decided to impose this fate on hundreds of thousands of people, and under the most harsh conditions2; from this we can judge how little aware they were of any mission to work toward a reorganization which would be reasonably equitable and which would guarantee a propitious future.

最严重的对历史权利乃至人权本身的践踏，在于剥夺某些民族对其栖息土地的权利，从而强制他们迁往他处。第二次世界大战结束时，战胜国决定将这种命运强加给数十万人，并且是在最严酷的条件下 2 ；由此我们可以判断，他们对于推动一个合理公正且能保证美好未来的重组使命，是多么缺乏认识。

Our situation ever since the Second World War has been characterized essentially by the fact that no peace treaty has yet been signed3. It was only through agreements of a truce-like nature that the war came to an end; and it is indeed because of our inability to effect a reorganization, however elemental, that we are obliged to be content with these truces which, dictated by the needs of the moment, can have no foreseeable future.

自第二次世界大战以来，我们的处境基本上是由于尚未签署任何和平条约而形成的。战争只是通过一些类似停战协议的协定才得以结束；而确实是因为我们无法实现哪怕是最基本的重组，所以我们不得不满足于这些停战协议，这些协议是根据当前的需要而制定的，因此没有可预见的未来。

This then is the present situation. How do we perceive the problem of peace now?

这就是当前的局势。我们现在如何看待和平问题？

In quite a new light – different to the same extent that modern war is different from war in the past. War now employs weapons of death and destruction incomparably more effective than those of the past and is consequently a worse evil than ever before. Heretofore war could be regarded as an evil to which men must resign themselves because it served progress and was even necessary to it. One could argue that thanks to war the peoples with the strongest virtues survived; thus determining the course of history.

在全新的视角下——这种不同程度地类似于现代战争与过去战争的差异。如今战争使用的武器和破坏手段远比过去更有效，因此成为前所未有的更大恶行。以往战争可被视为一种恶行，人们必须接受它，因为它服务于进步，甚至对进步是必要的。可以论证，正是由于战争，具有最强大美德的人民得以生存，从而决定了历史的走向。

It could be claimed, for example, that the victory of Cyrus over the Babylonians created an empire in the Near East with a civilization higher than that which it supplanted, and that Alexander the Great’s victory in its turn opened the way, from the Nile to the Indus, for Greek civilization. The reverse, however, sometimes occurred when war led to the replacement of a superior civilization by an inferior one, as it did, for instance, in the seventh century and at the beginning of the eighth when the Arabs gained mastery over Persia, Asia Minor, Palestine, North Africa, and Spain, countries that had hitherto flourished under a Greco-Roman civilization.

例如，可以主张居鲁士战胜巴比伦人，在近东建立了一个文明程度高于被取代文明的帝国；而亚历山大大帝的胜利则开辟了从尼罗河到印度河的希腊文明之路。然而，战争有时也会导致先进文明被落后文明所取代，例如在七世纪和八世纪初，阿拉伯人征服了波斯、小亚细亚、巴勒斯坦、北非和西班牙等地，这些地区此前一直繁荣于希腊-罗马文明之下。

It would seem then that, in the past, war could operate just as well in favor of progress as against it. It is with much less conviction that we can claim modern war to be an agent of progress. The evil that it embodies weighs more heavily on us than ever before.

那么，过去战争似乎既能促进也能阻碍进步。而我们现在很难再相信现代战争是进步的工具。其所体现的恶行，比以往任何时候都更沉重地压在我们身上。

It is pertinent to recall that the generation preceding 1914 approved the enormous stockpiling of armaments. The argument was that a military decision would be reached with rapidity and that very brief wars could be expected. This opinion was accepted without contradiction.

回顾 1914 年之前的那个时代，他们批准了庞大的军备储备。理由是军事决定将迅速做出，而且可以预期会有非常短暂的战争。这一观点被毫无异议地接受了。

Because they anticipated the progressive humanization of the methods of war, people also believed that the evils resulting from future conflicts would be relatively slight. This supposition grew out of the obligations accepted by nations under the terms of the Geneva Convention of 1864, following the efforts of the Red Cross. Mutual guarantees were exchanged concerning care for the wounded, the humane treatment of prisoners of war, and the welfare of the civilian population. This convention did indeed achieve some significant results for which hundreds of thousands of combatants and civilians were to be thankful in the wars to come. But, compared to the miseries of war, which have grown beyond all proportion with the introduction of modern weapons of death and destruction, they are trivial indeed. Truly, it cannot be a question of humanizing war.

因为人们预见到战争手段将逐步人道化，所以也认为未来冲突带来的灾难会相对轻微。这种假定源于 1864 年日内瓦公约中各国所接受的义务，这是红十字会努力的结果。各国之间交换了关于照料伤员、人道对待战俘以及保护平民福祉的相互保证。这项公约确实在未来的战争中为数以十万计的士兵和平民带来了显著的成果，使他们得以感激。但是，与现代杀伤性武器带来的战争苦难相比，这些成果确实微不足道。真正的事实是，不能简单地谈战争的人道化。

The concept of the brief war and that of the humanization of its methods, propounded as they were on the eve of war in 1914, led people to take the war less seriously than they should have. They regarded it as a storm which was to clear the political air and as an event which was to end the arms race that was ruining nations.

“短暂战争”的概念以及对其方法的人道主义改进，它们是在 1914 年战争爆发前夕提出的，导致人们没有认真对待战争。他们把它看作是一场能够净化政治空气的风暴，以及一个能够结束正在毁坏国家的军备竞赛的事件。

While some lightheartedly supported the war on account of the profits they expected to gain from it, others did so from a more noble motive: this war must be the war to end all wars. Many a brave man set out for battle in the belief that he was fighting for a day when war would no longer exist.

虽然有些人轻率地支持战争，因为他们期望从中获得利润，但另一些人则是出于更崇高的动机：这场战争必须是结束一切战争的战争。许多勇敢的人出发参战时，都相信自己是在为一个不再有战争的时代而战斗。

In this conflict, just as in that of 1939, these two concepts proved to be completely wrong. Slaughter and destruction continued year after year and were carried on in the most inhumane way. In contrast to the war of 18704.the duel was not between two isolated nations, but between two great groups of nations, so that a large share of mankind became embroiled, thus compounding the tragedy.

在这场冲突中，正如 1939 年的那场冲突一样，这两个概念被证明是完全错误的。屠杀和破坏年复一年地持续着，并以最残忍的方式进行。与 1870 年的战争形成对比的是，这场冲突并非发生在两个孤立的民族之间，而是发生在两个庞大的国家集团之间，因此人类很大一部分卷入了其中，从而加剧了这场悲剧。

Since we now know what a terrible evil war is, we must spare no effort to prevent its recurrence. To this reason must also be added an ethical one: In the course of the last two wars, we have been guilty of acts of inhumanity which make one shudder, and in any future war we would certainly be guilty of even worse. This must not happen!

既然我们现在知道战争是一种可怕的邪恶，我们必须不遗余力地防止它的再次发生。还必须加上一个伦理上的原因：在最近两次战争中，我们犯下了令人不寒而栗的非人道行为，而在未来的任何战争中，我们肯定会犯下更严重的罪行。这绝不能发生！

Let us dare to face the situation. Man has become superman. He is a superman because he not only has at his disposal innate physical forces, but also commands, thanks to scientific and technological advances, the latent forces of nature which he can now put to his own use. To kill at a distance, man used to rely solely on his own physical strength; he used it to bend the bow and to release the arrow. The superman has progressed to the stage where, thanks to a device designed for the purpose, he can use the energy released by the combustion of a given combination of chemical products. This enables him to employ a much more effective projectile and to propel it over far greater distances.

让我们勇敢地面对现实。人类已经成为超人。他之所以成为超人，不仅因为他掌握着先天的体力，而且由于科学和技术的进步，他还能够驾驭自然中潜藏的力量，并将其用于自己的目的。过去，人类在远处杀人只能依靠自己的体力；他用体力拉弓并射出箭。超人已经发展到这样一个阶段，借助为这一目的而设计的装置，他可以利用特定化学物质组合燃烧释放的能量。这使他能够使用更有效的弹药，并将其投掷到更远的距离。

However, the superman suffers from a fatal flaw. He has failed to rise to the level of superhuman reason which should match that of his superhuman strength. He requires such reason to put this vast power to solely reasonable and useful ends and not to destructive and murderous ones. Because he lacks it, the conquests of science and technology become a mortal danger to him rather than a blessing.

然而，这位超人存在一个致命缺陷。他未能达到与其超凡力量相匹配的超人理性水平。他需要这样的理性，将这股巨大力量用于纯粹的合理且有益的目的，而非毁灭和杀戮。正因缺乏这一点，科学与技术的成就对他而言反而成为致命危险，而非福音。

In this context is it not significant that the first great scientific discovery, the harnessing of the force resulting from the combustion of gunpowder, was seen at first only as a means of killing at a distance?

在这种情况下，难道第一个重大的科学发现——利用火药燃烧产生的力量——最初仅被视为一种远距离杀人的手段这一点不重要吗？

The conquest of the air, thanks to the internal-combustion engine, marked a decisive advance for humanity. Yet men grasped at once the opportunity it offered to kill and destroy from the skies. This invention underlined a fact which had hitherto been steadfastly denied: the more the superman gains in strength, the poorer he becomes. To avoid exposing himself completely to the destruction unleashed from the skies, he is obliged to seek refuge underground like a hunted animal. At the same time he must resign himself to abetting the unprecedented destruction of cultural values.

借助内燃机征服了天空，标志着人类的一次决定性进步。然而人们立刻抓住了这一发明提供的从空中杀戮和摧毁的机会。这项发明突显了一个此前一直被否认的事实：超人越是增强力量，他反而越贫穷。为了避免完全暴露在从天空释放的破坏之中，他被迫像被追捕的动物一样躲到地下。同时，他也必须接受自己助长了前所未有的文化价值的破坏。

A new stage was reached with the discovery and subsequent utilization of the vast forces liberated by the splitting of the atom. After a time, it was found that the destructive potential of a bomb armed with such was incalculable, and that even large-scale tests could unleash catastrophes threatening the very existence of the human race. Only now has the full horror of our position become obvious. No longer can we evade the question of the future of mankind.

原子分裂释放出的巨大能量被发现并随后加以利用，标志着一个新的阶段。过了一段时间后，人们发现这种武器的破坏力是无法估量的，甚至大规模的试验也可能引发威胁人类种族存亡的灾难。只有现在，我们才完全意识到自己处境的可怕。我们再也无法回避关于人类未来的问题。

But the essential fact which we should acknowledge in our conscience, and which we should have acknowledged a long time ago, is that we are becoming inhuman to the extent that we become supermen. We have learned to tolerate the facts of war: that men are killed en masse -some twenty million in the Second World War – that whole cities and their inhabitants are annihilated by the atomic bomb, that men are turned into living torches by incendiary bombs. We learn of these things from the radio or newspapers and we judge them according to whether they signify success for the group of peoples to which we belong, or for our enemies. When we do admit to ourselves that such acts are the results of inhuman conduct, our admission is accompanied by the thought that the very fact of war itself leaves us no option but to accept them. In resigning ourselves to our fate without a struggle, we are guilty of inhumanity.

但我们要在良心中承认的一个本质事实是，我们变得越来越不人道，正是因为我们试图成为超人。我们已经学会容忍战争的现实：成千上万的人被屠杀——第二次世界大战中就约有二千万人——整个城市及其居民被原子弹消灭，人们被燃烧弹变成活火把。我们通过广播或报纸了解到这些事情，并根据这些事情是否意味着我们所属的民族或我们的敌人取得成功来判断它们。当我们承认这些行为是不人道行为的结果时，我们的承认伴随着一种想法，即战争本身的事实让我们别无选择，只能接受这些行为。在不作挣扎地接受自己命运的情况下，我们犯下了不人道的罪行。

What really matters is that we should all of us realize that we are guilty of inhumanity. The horror of this realization should shake us out of our lethargy so that we can direct our hopes and our intentions to the coming of an era in which war will have no place.

真正重要的是，我们应该所有人都认识到我们都有不人道之处。这个认识带来的恐惧应当让我们从麻木中惊醒，以便我们能将我们的希望和意图指向一个战争将无立足之地的时代的到来。

This hope and this will can have but one aim: to attain, through a change in spirit, that superior reason which will dissuade us from misusing the power at our disposal.

这种希望和意志只能有一个目标：通过精神的改变，达到一种更高的理性，从而阻止我们滥用现有的力量。

The first to have the courage to advance purely ethical arguments against war and to stress the necessity for reason governed by an ethical will was the great humanist Erasmus of Rotterdam in his Querela pacis (The Complaint of Peace) which appeared in 15175. In this book he depicts Peace on stage seeking an audience.

首先，有勇气提出纯粹伦理观点反对战争，并强调受伦理意志支配的理性之必要性的，是伟大的人道主义者德意志的伊拉斯谟，他在其《和平的控诉》（Querela pacis）一书中阐述了这一点，该书于 1517 年出版 5 。在这本书中，他描绘了和平在舞台上寻求观众。

Erasmus found few adherents to his way of thinking. To expect the affirmation of an ethical necessity to point the way to peace was considered a utopian ideal. Kant shared this opinion. In his essay on “Perpetual Peace”, which appeared in 17956, and in other publications in which he touches upon the problem of peace, he states his belief that peace will come only with the increasing authority of an international code of law, in accordance with which an international court of arbitration would settle disputes between nations. This authority, he maintains, should be based entirely on the increasing respect which in time, and for purely practical motives, men will hold for the law as such. Kant is unremitting in his insistence that the idea of a league of nations cannot be hoped for as the outcome of ethical argument, but only as the result of the perfecting of law. He believes that this process of perfecting will come of itself. In his opinion, “nature, that great artist” will lead men, very gradually, it is true, and over a very long period of time, through the march of history and the misery of wars, to agree on an international code of law which will guarantee perpetual peace.

伊拉斯谟的思想方式几乎没有找到追随者。期待伦理上的必要确认能指引通往和平的道路，被认为是乌托邦理想。康德也持有这种观点。在他于 1795 年发表的《永久和平论》 6 以及在其他涉及和平问题的著作中，他指出自己相信，和平只有在国际法律权威不断加强的情况下才会到来，根据该权威，一个国际仲裁法庭将解决国家间的争端。他认为，这种权威应完全基于人们随着时间的推移和纯粹出于实际动机而对法律本身的日益增长的尊重。康德坚持不懈地强调，关于国际联盟的想法不能期望作为伦理论证的结果，而只能作为法律完善的成果。他相信这一完善过程将自行发生。在他看来，“自然，这位伟大的艺术家”将通过历史的进程和战争的苦难，虽然确实非常缓慢，并且需要很长的时间，引导人们就一项将保证永久和平的国际法典达成一致。

A plan for a league of nations having powers of arbitration was first formulated with some precision by Sully, the friend and minister of Henry IV. It was given detailed treatment by the Abbé Castel de Saint-Pierre in three works, the most important of which bears the title Projet de paix perpétuelle entre les souverains chrétiens [Plan for Perpetual Peace between Christian Sovereigns]. Kant was aware of the views it developed, probably from an extract which Rousseau published in 17617.

一个关于具有仲裁权的国家联盟的计划，最初由亨利四世的朋友兼大臣苏利较为精确地提出。阿贝·德·圣皮埃尔在其三部作品中对此进行了详细阐述，其中最重要的一部作品名为《基督教诸君主间永久和平计划》。康德了解这些观点的发展，可能源自卢梭于 1761 年发表的摘要。

Today we can judge the efficacy of international institutions by the experience we have had with the League of Nations in Geneva and with the United Nations. Such institutions can render important services by offering to mediate conflicts at their very inception, by taking the initiative in setting up international projects, and by other actions of a similar nature, depending on the circumstances. One of the League of Nations’ most important achievements was the creation in 1922 of an internationally valid passport for the benefit of those who became stateless as a consequence of war8. What a position those people would have been in if this travel document had not been devised through Nansen‘s initiative! What would have been the fate of displaced persons after 1945 if the United Nations had not existed!

如今，我们可以根据我们在日内瓦的国际联盟和联合国的经历来评判国际机构的效能。这些机构可以通过在冲突萌芽阶段提供调停服务、主动发起国际项目，以及在其他类似行动中发挥作用，根据具体情况做出重要贡献。国际联盟最重要的成就之一，是在 1922 年创建了具有国际效力的护照，以惠及那些因战争而成为无国籍者的人 8 。如果这项旅行证件不是通过南森的倡议而创造出来，那些人将处于何种境地！如果 1945 年后联合国不存在，那些流离失所的人的命运又将如何！

Nevertheless these two institutions have been unable to bring about peace. Their efforts were doomed to fail since they were obliged to undertake them in a world in which there was no prevailing spirit directed toward peace. And being only legal institutions, they were unable to create such a spirit. The ethical spirit alone has the power to generate it. Kant deceived himself in thinking that he could dispense with it in his search for peace. We must follow the road on which he turned his back.

然而，这两个机构未能实现和平。它们从一开始就注定失败，因为它们被要求在一个没有普遍和平精神的世界中开展工作。而且，作为仅有法律机构的它们，无法创造出这样一种精神。唯有道德精神才有能力催生它。康德自欺地认为，在他寻求和平的过程中可以没有道德精神。我们必须走他曾经背弃的那条道路。

What is more, we just cannot wait the extremely long time he deemed necessary for this movement toward peace to mature. War today means annihilation, a fact that Kant did not foresee. Decisive steps must be taken to ensure peace, and decisive results obtained without delay. Only through the spirit can all this be done.

而且，我们不能等待他所认为的实现这一和平运动所需的那么长时间。今天的战争意味着毁灭，而这是康德没有预料到的。必须采取决定性的措施来确保和平，并且毫无拖延地取得决定性的成果。只有通过精神才能完成这一切。

Is the spirit capable of achieving what we in our distress must expect of it?

精神是否能够实现我们在痛苦中所期望它做到的事情？

Let us not underestimate its power, the evidence of which can be seen throughout the history of mankind. The spirit created this humanitarianism which is the origin of all progress toward some form of higher existence. Inspired by humanitarianism we are true to ourselves and capable of creating. Inspired by a contrary spirit we are unfaithful to ourselves and fall prey to all manner of error.

不要低估它的力量，其证据可见于人类历史之中。精神创造了这种人道主义，它是所有迈向更高存在形式进步的起源。受人道主义鼓舞，我们忠于自我并有能力创造。受相反精神鼓舞，我们背叛自我并陷入各种谬误。

The height to which the spirit can ascend was revealed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It led those peoples of Europe who possessed it out of the Middle Ages, putting an end to superstition, witch hunts, torture, and a multitude of other forms of cruelty or traditional folly. It replaced the old with the new in an evolutionary way that never ceases to astonish those who observe it. All that we have ever possessed of true civilization, and indeed all that we still possess, can be traced to a manifestation of this spirit.

精神所能达到的高度在十七和十八世纪得以展现。它引领了那些拥有这种精神的欧洲民族走出中世纪，终结了迷信、巫术追捕、酷刑以及无数其他形式的残忍或传统愚行。它以一种不断进化、令人惊叹的方式取代了旧事物，带来了新事物。我们曾经拥有并至今拥有的一切真正文明，都可以追溯到这种精神的体现。

Later, its power waned because the spirit failed to find support for its ethical character in a world preoccupied with scientific pursuits. It has been replaced by a spirit less sure of the course humanity should take and more content with lesser ideals. Today if we are to avoid our own downfall, we must commit ourselves to this spirit once again. It must bring forth a new miracle just as it did in the Middle Ages, an even greater miracle than the first.

后来，它的力量衰减了，因为在沉迷于科学追求的世界中，其伦理精神未能获得支持。它被一种对人类应走道路不那么确信、对较低尚理想更满足的精神所取代。如今，如果我们想要避免自身的崩溃，必须再次致力于这种精神。它必须像在中世纪那样创造新奇迹，甚至比最初的奇迹更为伟大。

The spirit is not dead; it lives in isolation. It has overcome the difficulty of having to exist in a world out of harmony with its ethical character. It has come to realize that it can find no home other than in the basic nature of man. The independence acquired through its acceptance of this realization is an additional asset.

精神并未消亡；它在孤寂中存续。它已经克服了在与自身伦理品格不和谐的世界上存在的困难。它已经认识到，除了在人性的基本本质中，它无处可寻家园。通过接受这一认识而获得的自立，是一种额外的财富。

It is convinced that compassion, in which ethics takes root, does not assume its true proportions until it embraces not only man but every living being. To the old ethics, which lacked this depth and force of conviction, has been added the ethics of reverence for life, and its validity is steadily gaining in recognition.

坚信仁爱是伦理的根基，这种仁爱直到涵盖人类与所有生命时，才展现出其真实价值。对于缺乏这种深度和信念力量的旧伦理而言，敬畏生命的伦理被添加进来，其有效性正持续获得认可。

Once more we dare to appeal to the whole man, to his capacity to think and feel, exhorting him to know himself and to be true to himself. We reaffirm our trust in the profound qualities of his nature. And our living. experiences are proving us right.

我们再次大胆地呼吁整个人，呼吁他的思考和感受能力，敦促他认识自己并忠于自己。我们重申我们对他的天性中深刻品质的信任。我们的生活经验正在证明我们是正确的。

In 1950, there appeared a book entitled Témoignages d’humanité [Documents of Humanity]9, published by some professors from the University of Göttingen who had been brought together by the frightful mass expulsion of the eastern Germans in 1945. The refugees tell in simple words of the help they received in their distress from men belonging to the enemy nations, men who might well have been moved to hate them. Rarely have I been so gripped by a book as I was by this one. It is a wonderful tonic for anyone who has lost faith in humanity.

1950 年，出现了一本名为《Témoignages d’humanité [Documents of Humanity] 9 》的书，由哥廷根大学的几位教授出版，他们是由 1945 年东德人可怕的集体驱逐聚集在一起的。难民们用简单的语言讲述了他们在困境中从属于敌对国家的、那些本可能会被激怒而仇恨他们的人那里得到的帮助。很少有哪本书能像这本书一样如此深深地打动我。这对于任何已经失去对人性信心的人来说，都是一剂良药。

Whether peace comes or not depends on the direction in which the mentality of individuals develops and then, in turn, on that of their nations. This truth holds more meaning for us today than it did for the past. Erasmus, Sully, the Abbé Castel de Saint-Pierre, and the others who in their time were engrossed in the problem of peace dealt with princes and not with peoples. Their efforts tended to be concentrated on the establishment of a supranational authority vested with the power of arbitrating any difficulties which might arise between princes. Kant, in his essay on “Perpetual Peace”, was the first to foresee an age when peoples would govern themselves and when they, no less than the sovereigns, would be concerned with the problem of peace. He thought of this evolution as progress. In his opinion, peoples would be more inclined than princes to maintain peace because it is they who bear the miseries of war.

和平能否实现，取决于个人心态的发展方向，而反过来又取决于民族的心态。这一真理对今天的意义比以往任何时候都更加重大。伊拉斯谟、苏利、圣皮埃尔神父等在他们时代致力于和平问题的人，关注的是君主而不是人民。他们的努力往往集中于建立一个具有仲裁君主之间可能产生的任何争端权力的超国家权威。康德在题为“永久和平”的论文中，第一次预见了一个时代，那时人民将自己管理自己，他们同君主一样，也将关注和平的问题。他认为这种演变是一种进步。在他看来，人民比君主更倾向于维持和平，因为战争的苦难是由他们来承受的。

The time has come, certainly, when governments must look on themselves as the executors of the will of the people. But Kant’s reliance on the people’s innate love for peace has not been justified. Because the will of the people, being the will of the crowd, has not avoided the danger of instability and the risk of emotional distraction from the path of true reason, it has failed to demonstrate a vital sense of responsibility. Nationalism of the worst sort was displayed in the last two wars, and it may be regarded today as the greatest obstacle to mutual understanding between peoples.

现在，政府确实必须将自己视为人民意愿的执行者。但康特对人民天生热爱和平的依赖并未得到证实。因为人民意愿作为群众的意愿，既未能避免不稳定的危险，也未能避免因情感而偏离真正理性道路的风险，所以它未能展现出一种至关重要的责任感。最恶劣的民族主义形式在最近两次战争中得到了表现，并且可以被视为当今阻碍各国相互理解的最大障碍。

Such nationalism can be repulsed only through the rebirth of a humanitarian ideal among men which will make their allegiance to their country a natural one inspired by genuine ideals.

只有通过在人们中重新唤起人道主义理想，才能抵消这种民族主义，这种理想将使他们对祖国的忠诚成为一种由真实理念所激发的自然情感。

Spurious nationalism is rampant in countries across the seas too, especially among those peoples who formerly lived under white domination and who have recently gained their independence. They are in danger of allowing nationalism to become their one and only ideal. Indeed, peace, which had prevailed until now in many areas, is today in jeopardy.

海外各国的伪民族主义也很猖獗，特别是在那些曾经生活在白人统治之下、最近才获得独立的人民中。他们有让民族主义成为其唯一理想的危险。事实上，至今在许多地区一直占主导地位的和平，如今正面临危险。

These peoples, too, can overcome their naive nationalism only by adopting a humanitarian ideal. But how is such a change to be brought about? Only when the spirit becomes a living force within us and leads us to a civilization based on the humanitarian ideal, will it act, through us, upon these peoples. All men, even the semicivilized and the primitive, are, as beings capable of compassion, able to develop a humanitarian spirit. It abides within them like tinder ready to be lit, waiting only for a spark.

这些民族，也只有通过采纳人道主义理想，才能克服他们的幼稚民族主义。但这样的转变如何才能实现？只有当精神在我们内部成为一种活生生的力量，并引导我们走向基于人道主义理想的文明时，它才会通过我们，对这些民族产生影响。所有人类，即便是半文明的和原始的，作为能够产生同情心的存在，都能够发展出人道主义精神。它存在于他们心中，如同待燃的火绒，只等待一丝火花。

The idea that the reign of peace must come one day has been given expression by a number of peoples who have attained a certain level of civilization. In Palestine it appeared for the first time in the words of the prophet Amos in the eighth century B.C.10, and it continues to live in the Jewish and Christian religions as the belief in the Kingdom of God. It figures in the doctrine taught by the great Chinese thinkers: Confucius and Lao-tse in the sixth century B.C., Mi-tse in the fifth, and Meng-tse in the fourth11. It reappears in Tolstoy12 and in other contemporary European thinkers. People have labeled it a utopia. But the situation today is such that it must become reality in one way or another; otherwise mankind will perish.

“和平时代终将到来”的理念已经被一些达到一定文明程度的民族表达出来。在巴勒斯坦，这一理念最早出现在公元前 8 世纪先知阿摩司的话语中 10 ，并且在犹太教和基督教中继续传承，作为对上帝之国的信念。这一理念也体现在公元前 6 世纪中国伟大的思想家孔子和老子的学说中，以及公元前 5 世纪的墨子和公元前 4 世纪的孟子的学说中 11 。它在托尔斯泰 12 和其他当代欧洲思想家的著作中再次出现。人们曾称其为乌托邦。但是，当前的形势使得它必须以某种方式成为现实，否则人类将走向灭亡。

I am well aware that what I have had to say on the problem of peace is not essentially new. It is my profound conviction that the solution lies in our rejecting war for an ethical reason; namely, that war makes us guilty of the crime of inhumanity. Erasmus of Rotterdam and several others after him have already proclaimed this as the truth around which we should rally.

我深知，关于和平问题我所要说的内容并非本质上新颖。我深信，解决之道在于我们应出于伦理原因拒绝战争；确切地说，因为战争使我们犯下了不人道的罪行。鹿特丹的伊拉斯谟以及在他之后的一些人已经将这一点宣称为我们应该团结一致的真理。

The only originality I claim is that for me this truth goes hand in hand with the intellectual certainty that the human spirit is capable of creating in our time a new mentality, an ethical mentality. Inspired by this certainty, I too proclaim this truth in the hope that my testimony may help to prevent its rejection as an admirable sentiment but a practical impossibility. Many a truth has lain unnoticed for a long time, ignored simply because no one perceived its potential for becoming reality.

我唯一宣称的原创性在于，对我来说，这一真理与这样的确信相辅相成：人类精神有能力在我们这个时代创造一种新的思维模式，一种伦理思维模式。受此确信的鼓舞，我也宣告这一真理，希望我的证词能够帮助防止人们将其视为一种虽令人钦佩但实际不可能实现的情感。许多真理曾长期未被察觉，仅仅因为没有人认识到它有成为现实的潜力。

Only when an ideal of peace is born in the minds of the peoples will the institutions set up to maintain this peace effectively fulfill the function expected of them.

只有当和平的理想在各国民众的头脑中产生时，为了维持这种和平而建立的机构才能有效地履行人们期望它们所发挥的职能。

Even today, we live in an age characterized by the absence of peace; even today, nations can feel themselves threatened by other nations; even today, we must concede to each nation the right to stand ready to defend itself with the terrible weapons now at its disposal.

即使在今天，我们仍生活在一个缺乏和平的时代；即使在今天，各国仍能感受到来自其他国家的威胁；即使在今天，我们必须承认每个国家都有权使用目前拥有的可怕武器来保卫自己。

Such is the predicament in which we seek the first sign of the spirit in which we must place our trust. This sign can be none other than an effort on the part of peoples to atone as far as possible for the wrongs they inflicted upon each other during the last war. Hundreds of thousands of prisoners and deportees are waiting to return to their homes; others, unjustly condemned by a foreign power, await their acquittal; innumerable other injustices still await reparation.

这就是我们在其中寻找信任之精神的第一个迹象的困境。这个迹象只能是各国努力尽可能弥补上一次战争中彼此造成的伤害。成千上万的战俘和被驱逐者正等待返回家园；其他人被外国势力不公正地判罪，正等待被宣判无罪；无数其他的不公正现象仍等待着得到补偿。

In the name of all who toil in the cause of peace, I beg the peoples to take the first step along this new highway. Not one of them will lose a fraction of the power necessary for their own defense.

以所有为和平而奋斗的人的名义，我恳请各国迈出这条新道路的第一步。他们中的任何一个都不会损失任何必要的防御力量。

If we take this step to liquidate the injustices of the war which we have just experienced, we will instill a little confidence in all people. For any enterprise, confidence is the capital without which no effective work can be carried on. It creates in every sphere of activity conditions favoring fruitful growth. In such an atmosphere of confidence thus created we can begin to seek an equitable settlement of the problems caused by the two wars.

如果我们采取这一步来消除我们刚刚经历的战争中的不公正现象，我们就能在所有人中注入一点信心。对于任何事业来说，信心都是必不可少的资本，没有它就无法开展有效的行动。它在各个活动领域创造有利于繁荣发展的条件。在这种信心的氛围中，我们可以开始寻求解决两次战争所引发的问题的公平解决方案。

I believe that I have expressed the thoughts and hopes of millions of men who, in our part of the world, live in fear of war to come. May my words convey their intended meaning if they penetrate to the other part of the world – the other side of the trench – to those who live there in the same fear.

我相信，我已经表达了我们这个世界中数以百万计的人们的思考和希望，他们正担心即将来临的战争。愿我的话语能传达其原本的意义，穿透到世界另一端——战壕的另一侧——那些同样生活在恐惧中的人民那里。

May the men who hold the destiny of peoples in their hands, studiously avoid anything that might cause the present situation to deteriorate and become even more dangerous. May they take to heart the words of the Apostle Paul: “If it be possible, as much as lieth in you, live peaceably with all men”.13 These words are valid not only for individuals, but for nations as well. May these nations, in their efforts to maintain peace, do their utmost to give the spirit time to grow and to act.

愿那些掌握民族命运的人，谨慎避免任何可能导致当前局势恶化并变得更加危险的事情。愿他们铭记使徒保罗的话：“只要有可能，尽你们的所能与众人和睦相处”。这些话不仅适用于个人，也适用于国家。愿这些国家在努力维护和平的过程中，尽最大努力让精神有时间成长并发挥作用。

Dr. Schweitzer delivered this lecture in the Auditorium of Oslo University almost a year after having received the award. The Oslo Aftenposten for November 5 reports that he read quietly from a manuscript and that the seriousness and simplicity of his speech moved the audience. This translation is based on the text in French, the language which Dr. Schweitzer used on this occasion, published in Lex Prix Nobel en 1954.

施韦泽博士是在获得该奖项近一年后，在奥斯陆大学礼堂发表了这篇演讲。据 11 月 5 日的《奥斯陆晚邮报》报道，他从手稿中安静地朗读，他演讲的严肃和朴实感动了观众。此次翻译基于法文文本，这是施韦泽博士当时使用的语言，发表于 1954 年的《诺贝尔奖文集》。

The Huns moved into the Danube valley in the fourth century; the Visigoths moved westward into Italy and Spain early in the fifth century; the Vandals moved into France and Spain somewhat later in the century.
匈人于四世纪进入多瑙河流域；西哥特人于五世纪初向西进入意大利和西班牙；汪达尔人则在五世纪稍晚些时候进入法国和西班牙。
The major example: The Potsdam Conference (1945), attended by the principal World War II Allies, allowed the mass expulsion of the German population from Czechoslovakia and from the territories given over to Russian and Polish administration.
一个主要的例子：1945 年的波茨坦会议，由第二次世界大战的主要盟国参加，允许将德国人口从捷克斯洛伐克以及被交给俄国和波兰管理的地区大规模驱逐。
Nor has a peace treaty with Germany been signed as of August, 1971.
截至 1971 年 8 月，尚未与德国签署和平条约。
France versus Germany.
法国与德国。
Desiderius Erasmus (1466?-1536), Querela pacis undique gentium ejectae profligataeque (Basel: Joh.Froben, 1517).
德西德里乌斯·伊拉斯谟（1466?–1536），《论被驱逐和毁灭的各国之和平的哀鸣》（巴塞尔：Joh. Froben，1517 年）。
Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), Zum ewigen Frieden (1795). English translation entitled Perpetual Peace (New York: Columbia University Press, 1932); the introduction is by Nicholas Murray Butler, Nobel Peace co-laureate for 1931.
伊曼努尔·康德（1724-1804），《永久和平论》（1795）。英文译本名为《永久和平》（纽约：哥伦比亚大学出版社，1932）；序言由 1931 年诺贝尔和平奖共同获奖者尼古拉斯·默里·巴特勒撰写。
Maximilien de Béthune, duc de Sully (1560-1641), in scattered passages of his memoirs, Oechonomies royales (1638), describes a “Grand Design” for world organization which he attributes to Henry IV. Abbé Castel de Saint-Pierre (1658-1743), Projet de paix perpétuelle (1712, 1717); Discours sur la polysynodie (1719). Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778), Extrait du Projet de paix perpétuelle de M. l’Abbé de Saint-Pierre (Amsterdam, 1761). Two other such pieces by Rousseau, on Polysynodie and his Jugement sur la Paix perpétuelle, were written in 1756 but published for the first time in the posthumous editions of his works.
马克西米利安·德·贝蒂纳，苏利公爵（1560-1641），在其《王家经济》的零散段落中，描述了他归功于亨利四世的世界组织“宏伟计划”。阿贝·卡斯特尔·德·圣皮埃尔（1658-1743），《永久和平计划》（1712，1717）；《论多议会制》（1719）。让-雅克·卢梭（1712-1778），《阿贝·德·圣皮埃尔<永久和平计划>摘录》（阿姆斯特丹，1761）。卢梭另外还有两篇关于多议会制和《论永久和平》的此类文章，写于 1756 年，但首次发表于其作品的身后版。
The “Nansen Passport” (so called for Fridtjof Nansen, recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize for 1922) was an identification certificate, established in July, 1922, for Armenian, Chaldean, Turkish, and Syrian refugees, which could be used as a passport.
“南森护照”（以 1922 年诺贝尔和平奖获得者弗里德托夫·南森命名）是一项于 1922 年 7 月设立的身份证明文件，用于亚美尼亚人、迦勒底人、土耳其人和叙利亚难民，可作为护照使用。
Documents of Humanity during the Mass Expulsions, compiled by K.O. Kurth, translated by Helen Taubert and Margaret Brooke (Göttingen: Göttingen Research Committee, 1952).
《大屠杀期间的人类文献》，由 K.O.库尔特编撰，海伦·陶贝特和玛格丽特·布鲁克翻译（哥廷根：哥廷根研究委员会，1952 年）。
Amos 9:11-15.
阿摩司书 9:11-15。
Confucius (551-479 B.C.); Lao-tse (600-517 B.C.); Mi-tse [also Mo Ti or Micius] (479-372 B.C.); Meng-tse [also Mencius] (371-289 B.C.).
孔子（公元前 551-479 年）；老子（公元前 600-517 年）；墨子[也称为墨翟]（公元前 479-372 年）；孟子（公元前 371-289 年）。
In the Works (London: Oxford University Press, 1935), Volume 20 is entitled The Kingdom of God and Peace Essays. See, for example, “Address to the Swedish Peace Congress in 1909”, pp. 583-591.
《著作集》（伦敦：牛津大学出版社，1935 年），第 20 卷名为《上帝的国度与和平论文集》。例如见“致 1909 年瑞典和平大会的演讲”，第 583-591 页。
Romans 12:18.
罗马书 12:18。

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